1948 Palestine War
Part of Arab-Israeli Conflict
Raising the Ink Flag at Umm Rashrash (Eilat)
Date30 November 1947-7 January 1949
Location
Result

Various armistice agreements
-Established state of Israel
-Egyptian control of Gaza Strip

-Jordanian control of West Bank and Eastern Jerusalem
Belligerents
Israel

Palestine
-Egypt
-Syria
-Transjordan
-Lebanon
-Iraq

-Arab League
Commanders and leaders
David Ben-Gurion Hajj Amin al-Husayni
Strength
35,000 in May 1948, 96,441 by the end of the war

The 1948 Palestine War, also known as the War of Independence to Israelis and the nakba (disaster in Arabic) to Palestinians, was a conflict between the new state of Israel, Palestinian Arabs, and the states around Israel. The war actually began in 1947 following the announcement of the end of the British Mandate in Palestine and the division of the territory into two equal-sized countries. By the end of the war in 1949 Israel had expanded its territory beyond the borders it was given. Additionally, the Arab state created in the UN Partition Plan never came into being as its two largest sections of land, the Gaza Strip (small piece of land southern Palestine on the coast) and the West Bank (region east of Jerusalem and west of the Jordan River), passed into the control of neighboring Egypt and Jordan respectively. The war continues to be a hotly-contested issue in the Easter Mediterranean today. For Israelis, it represents the change from the Yishuv, the Jewish Community of Palestine, to the state of Israel (hence the War of Independence). Other countries have had to address the idea of defeat and the difficulties of regional diplomacy(caused by the creation of a unique Jewish State in a mostly Arab-cultural region. For Palestinians, of whom nearly 720,000 left the region as refugees, the war is remembered as the nakba, the war that broke up a growing nation and pushed its people away.[1]

Background change

Jewish Settlement change

Beginning in 1881, European Jews began to move in large numbers from Europe and leave for Palestine. Predominantly, these new immigrants settled in the region under the banner of Jewish nationalism, known as Zionism.[2] This nationalist strain had as its goal the creation of a Jewish state. Although originally peaceful and economically mutually supportive, close ties between Arabs in Palestine and Jews in Europe and tension was common.[3]

Palestinian Nationalism and the Great Revolt change

During World War One, these two populations, Arabs and Jews, were under the rule of the Ottoman Empire. To weaken the Empire, her enemies (Britain and France), began to offer sections of the Empire’s for launching resistance to the Ottoman stage. This included offering Palestine to various Arab leaders (including the Husayn family of Saudi Arabia).[4] At the same time, the British offered control of Palestine to a as yet non-existent Jewish state.[5] Although this action came to nothing, it still encouraged greater immigration of Jews as well as a fear for losing regional control from the Palestinians. In 1936, responding to the growing Jewish population, Palestinian Arabs led an armed revolt against the British and Jews in Palestine. The revolt, led by the mufti and head of the Arab Higher Committee Hajj Amin al-Husayni, was the first large-scale expression of a sense of Palestinian nationalism. Though it ended with the British and Jews putting down the revolt, the resulting White Paper of 1939 proved it had been an influential action. Under the 1939 White Paper, Jews could only send a further 75,000 immigrants over 5 years and the goal of giving over Israel to Palestine.[6] This situation, two nationalists competing against each other for Palestine, continued to be the norm throughout World War Two. At the end of that conflict, the British Mandate in Palestine was near ending and the peoples of the region sought a solution to the issue.[7]

UN Resolution change

In 1947, the British gave the issue of competing nationalities within Palestine to the UN. The United Nations Special Committee on Palestine was tasked with resolving the issue of violence between the two groups and treating each side with fairness in the allocation of land. On November 29, 1947, the Partition Plan was announced. Palestine would be divided into separate Jewish and Arab states of roughly equal size. Jerusalem would remain an independent city run by the UN. Finally, the British would leave the Mandate of Palestine by May 1948.[8] Initially, the plan was received positively by the international community (including both the USA and USSR) as well as by the Yishuv.[9] Palestinian Arabs, as well as the nations of Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and Transjordan (now Jordan) condemned the plan and pushed for a new one with a majority Arab state and a recognized Jewish minority.[10] When that was not accepted, these nations mobilized for war with the new state of Israel.

Armed Forces change

Jewish Community (Israel after May 15, 1948) change

Given its recent status as a state, the Yishuv actually possessed one of the most well-organized and equipped military forces in the region. This force fell under the control of the Haganah, a single state army and the precursor to the modern Israeli Defense Force (IDF)(the switch was made in late May 1948). By mid-May, the state of Israel had called up an army of 35,000. As the war escalated in July that number trended up to 65,000. At the end of the war, Israel had successfully mobilized and equipped 96,441 men to fight against the Palestinians and Arab nations.[11] Additionally, Israel was unique for having an extensive strategic plan and a simple command structure. Under the leadership of David Ben-Gurion, the minister of defense, the state of Israel could rely on a force with a unified leadership and plan.[12]

Palestinian Forces change

Unlike the Yishuv, the Palestinians had no unified force before the war began in late 1947. There were several paramilitary organizations, but no single leader, structure or plan.[13] Al-Husayni and the Arab Higher Committee attempted to provide that structure. Yet, many disliked his leadership and did not recognize the Committee as the voice of Palestinians.[10] Still, al-Husayni successfully created an ad hoc force known as the Holy War Army made up of new volunteers and paramilitary forces. This army and the other Palestinian fighters, however, lacked modern equipment and supply. Though al-Husayni lobbied the Arab League (a collection of majority Arab nations) for greater support and authority to direct the course of the war, the League denied him.[14]

Arab League Forces change

The nations of the Arab League that joined in the campaign against Israel were predominantly Egypt, Transjordan, Iraq, Lebanon, and Syria (there was a smaller force from Saudi Arabia and Yemen under Egyptian command). Despite the League’s unifying structure, at the start of the war there was no unified League commander. Each country mobilized its own force for its own strategic objectives. The force was thus not monolithic but an assorted collection of forces.[15] The final force from the Arab League, the Arab Liberation Army, was a force of 4,000 volunteers from across the Middle East which worked out of Syria.[16] While the nations of the Arab League surrounded Israel, they did so with a disunified force.

Objectives change

Yishuv/Israel change

Israel’s objectives for the war were originally based on the Haganah’s 1946 Plan and instituted by David Ben-Gurion.[17] The plan called for the rapid mobilization of forces to fight against the perceived greatest threat, invasion from the surrounding Arab states. By using the 1946 Plan, Ben-Gurion hoped to secure the land allotted to Israel in the UN Partition Plan. As the war went on, the strategic objectives changed slightly with the introduction in March 1948 of Plan Dalet (Plan D).[18] Instead of simply holding political boundaries, the plan now commanded Israel’s forces to work remove Arabs from Jewish-controlled territory, defend Jewish enclaves in Arab territory, and to cross seize Arab territory at particular positions for strategic advantage. A possible reason for the change is given by historian David Tal, who points out that it was probably a response to the stiffer resistance from Palestinians and a general desire to put Israeli forces in the most defensible positions.[19] Yet, as Tal also points out, this strategic plan has never been without some controversy, particularly the aspect of forced movement.[19]

Palestine change

The principal objective for the Palestinians, as expressed by the Arab Higher Committee, was the creation of a unitary Arab state in Palestine.[10]

Transjordan/Jordan change

While Transjordan ostensibly agreed with the rest of the Arab League in creating an Arab state in Palestine, that seems to have not been Transjordan’s ultimate goal. According to the records of Transjordan, King Abdullah, Transjordan’s Hashemite (royal family) monarch, was interested in using the war as an excuse to put Palestinian Arabs under Jordanian control.[20] This would then put him into a position to seize Syria and create a Greater Syria. This means that Transjordan’s objectives were seemingly in opposition to those Syria, Lebanon, Egypt, and the Palestinians themselves.[21]

Syria and Egypt change

Like Transjordan, both Syria and Egypt supported creating a single Arab state in Palestine. There reasoning, however, was more about stopping the expansion of the Jordanians, who both nations feared (should Transjordan acquire the region’s territory).[21]

Course of the War change

Phase 1: The Civil War change

The first part of the conflict pitted the Yishuv’s forces against those of the Palestinian’s Arab Higher Committee. The civil war began with three days of strikes on November 30, 1947. It then transitioned into a guerrilla campaign against Jewish transportation of supplies. In January 1948, the Arab Liberation Army entered Palestine.[21] This stiff resistance caused the Israelis to adapt their plan and to introduce Plan Dalet. On April 5th, the Haganah launched Operation Nahshon, a fifteen day operation to secure routes to Jerusalem by seizing hills along the main roads. After the success of Operation Nahshon and smaller Jewish offensives, Palestinian resistance began to wane.[22]

Phase 2: The Arab League Countries Invade change

The second part of the conflict began with the invasion of Egypt, Iraq, Transjordan, Lebanon, and Syria in May 1948. Each invasion force essentially entered Palestine on the nearest border. Fighting in the West Bank and around Jerusalem dominated this phase of the war. Jewish forces moved into Jerusalem to secure the western section of the city.[23] To shore up this position, Israeli forces also tried to seize Latrun, a hill to the north of Jerusalem. This proved unsuccessful. In other areas, the Israelis found greater success. Two Egyptian forces, one moving along the coast and the other across the Negev towards Jerusalem, were both halted. The Iraqi force was repulsed. Though Syrian and Lebanese forces made an advance into Israeli territories, Israelis made counter advances into Syrian and Lebanese territory. Fighting was brought to an end by a UN truce on June 11.[24]

Phase 3: Israeli Push Against Transjordans change

On July 9th, the Israelis launched a new series of operations against the Jordanians in the West Bank. The hope was to end the conflict in this front against what Israelis considered to be the most well-trained and equipped Arab army, Transjordan’s Arab Legion.[25] The offensives were largely a success and although other Arab nations tried to take advantage of Israel’s focus on the West Bank, their advances were minimal. This phase of the war ended with another truce on July 18, 1948.[26]

Phase 4: Israeli Push Against Egypt, Syria, and Lebanon change

With the Jordanians restricted to the West Bank, Israelis launched two more offensives on October 15th.[27] These forced Egyptian forces out of the Negev Desert and pushed back Syrian and Lebanese forces into their respective countries. Following these last offensives, the military component of the war ended. Still, it would take until January 7, 1949 for Israel to complete signing treaties with each belligerent.[28]

Results change

Through the war, Israel gained a significant amount of territory. While the original partition lines gave approximately equal territories to Jewish and Arab states, the treaty lines of 1949 gave Israel a much larger swath of territory, limiting Arab-controlled land to the small Gaza strip and a much-reduced West Bank. Yet, these were not controlled by any Palestinian organization. Instead, Egypt controlled the small Gaza Strip while Jordan controlled the West Bank and Eastern Jerusalem.[29] An additional aspect to the aftermath of the war was the Palestinian refugee crisis. By the end of the war, there were approximately 720,000 refugees living in camps in Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip. Although much of this can be attributed to war time fear, some historians, like James Gelvin, assert that Israeli policy in Plan Dalet partially contributed to this crisis. The policy, which encouraged Israeli forces to seize Arab property in Jewish territory, exacerbated the refugee issue.[30] As of 2015, the right of these refugees to return to their former homes or to receive reparations remains uncertain.

Notes change

  1. Gelvin 2007, pp. 135, 264.
  2. Gelvin 2007, p. 57.
  3. Gelvin 2007, p. 63.
  4. Gelvin 2007, p. 80.
  5. Gelvin 2007, p. 81.
  6. Gelvin 2007, pp. 109–118.
  7. Gelvin 2007, p. 123.
  8. Gelvin 2007, p. 124.
  9. Gelvin 2007, pp. 124–125.
  10. 10.0 10.1 10.2 Tal 2000, p. 7.
  11. http://users.ox.ac.uk/~ssfc0005/Israel%20and%20the%20Arab%20Coalition%20in%2019481.html. Avi Shlaim. Accessed April 24, 2015.
  12. Tal 2000, p. 5.
  13. Tal 2000, p. 6.
  14. Tal 2000, p. 8.
  15. http://users.ox.ac.uk/~ssfc0005/Israel%20and%20the%20Arab%20Coalition%20in%2019481.html. Avi Shlaim. Accessed April 24, 2015.
  16. http://users.ox.ac.uk/~ssfc0005/Israel%20and%20the%20Arab%20Coalition%20in%2019481.html. Avi Shlaim. Accessed April 24, 2015.
  17. Tal 2000, pp. 5–6.
  18. Tal 2000, p. 12.
  19. 19.0 19.1 Tal 2000, p. 13.
  20. Eppel 1996, p. 74.
  21. 21.0 21.1 21.2 Eppel 1996, p. 76.
  22. Tal 2000, p. 14.
  23. http://users.ox.ac.uk/~ssfc0005/Israel%20and%20the%20Arab%20Coalition%20in%2019481.html. Avi Shlaim. Accessed April 24, 2015.
  24. http://users.ox.ac.uk/~ssfc0005/Israel%20and%20the%20Arab%20Coalition%20in%2019481.html. Avi Shlaim. Accessed April 24, 2015.
  25. http://users.ox.ac.uk/~ssfc0005/Israel%20and%20the%20Arab%20Coalition%20in%2019481.html. Avi Shlaim. Accessed April 24, 2015.
  26. http://users.ox.ac.uk/~ssfc0005/Israel%20and%20the%20Arab%20Coalition%20in%2019481.html. Avi Shlaim. Accessed April 24, 2015.
  27. http://users.ox.ac.uk/~ssfc0005/Israel%20and%20the%20Arab%20Coalition%20in%2019481.html. Avi Shlaim. Accessed April 24, 2015.
  28. http://users.ox.ac.uk/~ssfc0005/Israel%20and%20the%20Arab%20Coalition%20in%2019481.html. Avi Shlaim. Accessed April 24, 2015.
  29. Gelvin 2007, pp. 131–132.
  30. Gelvin 2007, pp. 132–134.

Bibliography change

  • Ben-Ami (September/October 2008). "A War to Start All Wars". Foreign Affairs. 32 (3): 74–91. Retrieved April 24, 2015. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help); Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Gelvin, James L. (2007). The Israel-Palestine Conflict: One Hundred Years of War. New York: Cambridge University Press. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)